The powerful Iranian politician, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, recently gave a talk to Basij students at Iran's Sharif University of Technology. Rafsanjani praised the Basij students and the Basij militia in general for their contribution to Iranian society and for their dedication to the values of the revolution. Rafsanjani further claimed the Basiji milita could play an important role in Iran's current economic development campaign.
Although Rafsanjani praised the Basij, Basiji students were critical of their speaker. Basij student leaders made their criticisms public by publishing an open letter to Rafsanjani prior to his speech at Sharif University. This letter (translated by OSC) lists a number of issues that the authors claim they would not be able to raise during Rafsanjani's talk. First and foremost, they accuse Rafsanjani of being aloof to (Basij) student concerns and for preventing open criticism of his policies. They also focus on his lack of transparency, links to corruption, and ties to the reformist ("liberal") movement.
This letter is a great example of the gulf between the pragmatic conservatives associated with Rafsanjani and the hardliners associated with the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei (Rafsanjani's rival). As Chairman of the Assembly of Experts, Rafsanjani is in the leading position to succeed Khamenei as Supreme Leader. Yet, unlike Khamenei (who has relied on the Basij and IRGC for support), this letter suggests why Rafsanjani remains unpopular among the grass roots of the hardline movement.
OSC's translation:
Iran: Basiji Students Question Rafsanjani's 'Liberal' Tendencies[Image: Chairman of the Assembly of Experts, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani]
Iranian Students News Agency
Sunday, November 23, 2008 T15:13:16Z
Journal Code: 8151 Language: ENGLISH Record Type: FULLTEXT
Document Type: OSC Translated Text
Word Count: 1,817
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Tehran, 22 November: The Students' Basij of Sharif University of Technology has written an open letter addressed to Hashemi-Rafsanjani. According to the report of the news department of ISNA, this letter has been written on the occasion of Ayatollah Hashemi-Rafsanjani's (forthcoming) visit to Sharif University.
The letter states: "While expressing our greetings on the occasion of the start of the Basij Week, on the eve of your visit to Sharif University of Technology we wish to express our appreciation for your visit. We regard your visit as an opportunity for the students to express their demands and ask their questions in a student atmosphere."
The letter continues: "We believe that your remoteness from the university climate (presumably not often visiting universities) is not hidden to anyone. The students' lack of access to you has given rise to many suspicions in their minds about you, while their questions and demands from you have remained unanswered. Now that after a decade of your distance from a face-to-face meeting with the students we have been given this opportunity, once again we have been prevented from asking our questions and expressing our criticisms directly and without intermediaries on the excuse of security or other considerations. Is this behaviour worthy of the agent of the Lord of the Faithful (Imam Ali), (peace be upon him) (Imam Ali's agents or governors that he appointed were allegedly known for their honesty and simple living)?
The lively nature of a student climate (gathering) is such that their demands are expressed in harsh and blunt terms and their questions are full of allusions (presumably criticisms or allegations). Is there any difference between Hashemi-Rafsanjani and other servants of the Islamic system that others take part in such a climate (meetings with students) and answer questions, but Your Excellency always refrains from taking part in such meetings?"
The letter stresses: "The record of the Basijis during the years after the victory of the revolution proves that they have always been in the service of the revolution and have followed the aspirations of the late Imam (Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeyni). At a time when the initial supporters of Mr (Mohammad) Khatami attacked him and at the end of his government's term they acted in a very unkind way towards him, the Basijis rose up in his support. At a time when you were called 'His Excellency the Red Robed One' (a title given to him by Akbar Ganji who compared him to a Mafia boss), the Basijis stood in the first rank of your supporters. Now, why those who have demonstrated their faithfulness to the revolution and its ideals during three decades are now deprived of asking you a number of questions orally and without intermediaries?"
The letter goes on to point out: "Every fair-minded person admits that Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani is a part of Iranian history. It was in reference to you that the late Imam and the wise leader of the umma (the Islamic community) said that you were alive because the revolution was alive (a reference to Khomeyni's remarks after a failed assassination attempt on the life of Hashemi-Rafsanjani). You are the person who was described by the leader of the revolution (Ayatollah Khomeyni) as such: 'No one would be the same to me as Mr Hashemi.' Why should the Executives of Reconstruction Party, which is known to be affiliated to you in the political climate of the country, according to the admission of some leading figures of that party who were former officials in your government, be now known as a liberal party? Was it not the Imam (may he rest in peace) who said: 'Do not allow the revolution to fall into the hands of the liberals'?"
The letter expresses the view: "We cannot accept that some of the close relatives of someone who claims to be worthy of being an agent of His Holiness Lord of the Faithful (peace be upon him) are mainly accused of various economic wrong-doings and rentierism (nepotism or financial corruption). One cannot find the slightest traces of simplicity in their lives. Their supervision of and dealings with those who work under them are in keeping with the principles of liberal management and are miles removed from the justice-centred culture that is attributed to the government of Imam Ali (peace be upon him)."
The writers of this letter believe: "Such contradictions become even more painful when by reviewing the history of the country during the past few years we come to the conclusion that the lack of transparency in your stances means that you are in harmony with those people and support their policies. If this is not the case, why during your presidency you constantly said that the country was in the best possible state, while your present analyses of the country are such that you describe the situation as critical? A simple comparison between the circumstances of the country at present and at that time clearly shows that expressing such views can only be explained by your closeness to that trend (that group of people, the liberals)."
Continuing the letter, they point out: "The existence of corruption in the government establishment is one thing, but accepting injustice as a strategy in order to achieve the government's goals is something quite different." The writers of this letter ask: "Did you not state in an interview with Keyhan (newspaper) that accepting financial corruption in vast projects is an official management strategy in order to facilitate the implementation of those projects? Did you not say: 'When we build a dam for the country and for instance spend ten billion (presumably rials) on it, it is possible that 500 million of that amount is embezzled, but the dam remains for the country and nobody would be able to take anything away from that dam'? Now, did not your master, the Lord of the Faithful (peace be upon him), strongly punish his agent Ibn Hermeh, who was responsible for financial supervision of the bazaar in Ahvaz, for a case of embezzlement? Did not your master (peace be upon him) write: 'When you read my letter, dismiss Ibn Hermeh (Ellipses as published) and introduce him to the people (name and shame him), jail him, dishonour him, and write a letter to all the districts of Ahvaz informing them that you have punished him in that way? Do not show any negligence or delay in punishing him, because you will demean yourself in the eyes of God, and I will also dismiss you in the worst possible way During the nights bring all the prisoners out to an open area in order to get fresh air, except for Ibn Hermeh.'"
In another part of this letter we read: "Last week we heard your criticism of the way that political parties and the press are dealt with. You are expressing this concern despite the fact that in your government, namely from 1368 to 1376 (1989-1997) there were no cases of direct insults in the press against the president. One can only find 189 cases of attempts to blacken (criticize) your government. Nevertheless, during the three years of the activities of the ninth government there have been 1689 cases of direct insults to the president and 39682 cases of attempts to blacken the record of the ninth government in the press and media. How can we believe your concern, while the students do not even have the right to ask you a few questions face-to-face, and a few seminary students who tried to ask you a few questions during your speech on 15th Khordad (presumably 4th June 2008) were (harshly) dealt with?"
Continuing this letter, the students have made the following points: "Every student who is committed to the aspirations of the revolution and the principles of the system feels a lump in his throat when he sees that the friend (in Farsi: yar) of the Imam (may he rest in peace) does not clarify his relationship with those who have apparently gathered round him. Why does Mr Hashemi whose great services to the system and the revolution are not hidden from anyone does not respond to these suspicions? Why does he not clarify his stance towards justice and towards development based on justice? Why doesn't Mr Hashemi clarify in a transparent manner his relationship with liberal democrats, those involved in economic corruption, or at least towards someone whose attempts against the national security of the country has been proved by the judiciary?"
The letter adds: "Now that we and all the members of Sharif University of Technology have been honoured with your presence at this university, we hope that the climate of the meeting and the way that it is conducted would be such that the above suspicions would be expelled. We hope that these and many other questions that have so far remained unanswered would be raised in that meeting in a student atmosphere and that we will hear the proper answers to them."
The letter then addresses Hashemi-Rafsanjani as the agent of the Lord of the Faithful, (peace be upon him), and continues: "It is not worthy of such a person to have so many unanswered questions and suspicions regarding him, while he has no inclination to provide answers to them. We have often read and heard that the Lord of the Faithful, (peace be upon him), was once delivering a sermon on the pulpit when someone interrupted him and asked him a question. Being open to criticism was one of the special characteristics of the government of Imam Ali. We hope that today we can witness the true meaning of the peasants and their lords confronting each other face-to-face. We hope that we can feel proud in the face of our foreign enemies and ignorant domestic critics as the result of the manifestation of our monotheistic and Shi'i principles."
(Description of Source: Tehran Iranian Students News Agency in Persian -- University student press agency; produces politically moderate reporting with emphasis on student activities. It is partially funded by the University Jihad, a state-backed student organization. In November 2007, Mehr News Agency reported that Jamal Rahimian, a lecturer in law and a member of Tehran University's School of law and Political Science, and the deputy head of University Jihad in charge of cultural affairs in Tehran would be ISNA's new head, taking over from Mir Hamid Hasanzadeh; URL: http://www.isna.ir)
City/Source: Tehran
DIALOG Update Date: 20081123; 11:48:36 EST
Original Source Language: Persian
Region: Middle East
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